MIN ZHOU: Good afternoon. Welcome to this afternoon's webinar.
MIN ZHOU: "What's News? Journalism in Hong Kong after 1997". Our webinar today is presented as part of our UCLA Asia Pacific Center Hong Kong Studies lecture series.
MIN ZHOU: My name is Min Zhou. I'm Professor of Sociology and Asian American Studies, the Walter and Shirley Wang Endowed Chair in US-China relations and communications, and the Director of the Asia Pacific Center at UCLA.
MIN ZHOU: The UCLA Asia Pacific Center promotes greater knowledge and understanding of Asia and the Pacific region
MIN ZHOU: On campus and in the community, through innovative research, teaching, public program and international collaborations. We focus on inter Asian and trans Pacific connections from historical contemporary
MIN ZHOU: and comparative perspectives and encourage interdisciplinary work on cross border and supra national issues on language and culture, politics, economy and society, and the sustainability in the ongoing processes of globalization. Our center runs the program on Central Asia,
MIN ZHOU: The Taiwan studies program, the Hong Kong studies program, and we are also an academic partner of the Global Chinese Philanthropy Initiative.
MIN ZHOU: As a matter of fact, we are having an international conference on March 19 and 20 on a global Chinese philanthropy and hope
MIN ZHOU: You will attend our conference then. So today's webinar will be recorded and we will make it available on our centers website afterwards.
MIN ZHOU: So please use the Q&A function on the bottom of your screen to submit your questions. During the Q&A time
MIN ZHOU: After the speakers presentation, we will select your questions for our speakers. Now it's my pleasure to introduce Dr. Bellette Lee who will introduce our speakers today and moderate the Q&A session.
MIN ZHOU: Dr. Bellette Lee is lecturer of Political Science at the University of California, Los Angeles teaching Chinese politics and the reform and international relations in East Asia.
MIN ZHOU: Bellette received her BA from the University of Hong Kong and PhD from the University of Chicago.
MIN ZHOU: She is currently conducting research on the governing tactics of the Chinese state through development projects. Before going to grad school, she was a politics reporter for the South China Morning Post in Hong Kong. Now Bellette, please go ahead.
Bellette Lee: you Min.
Bellette Lee: I would like to introduce our first speaker today.
Bellette Lee: Francis L.F. Lee is Professor and Director at the School of Journalism and Communication, Chinese University of Hong Kong.
Bellette Lee: He works mainly in the areas of journalism studies, political communication and media and social movements. His publications include Memories of Tiananmen, Politics and Processes of Collective Remembering in Hong Kong, 1989-2019
Bellette Lee: Which is forthcoming, published by Amsterdam University Press.
Bellette Lee: And another book is Media and Protest Logics in the Digital Era: Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement, published in 2018 University of Oxford University press.
Bellette Lee: and Talk, Talk Radio the Mainstream Press and Public Opinion in Hong Kong, published in 2014 by the Hong Kong University Press.
Bellette Lee: and Media, Social Mobilization, and Mass Protests in Post-colonial Hong Kong published in 2011 by Routledge. He is also currently chief editor of the Chinese Journalism of Communication. Francis please go ahead, thank you.
Francis L.F. Lee: Thank you, I think I would need to share my
Francis L.F. Lee: PowerPoint and I, so I think like
Okay, thanks.
Francis L.F. Lee: Okay, so good afternoon everyone, it's morning in Hong Kong time. So thanks a lot for our UCLA
Francis L.F. Lee: and her colleagues for the invitation to for me to attend this seminar and share some of the things about the press in Hong Kong after 1997.
Francis L.F. Lee: So i'm currently the Director of the School of Journalism and communication at CUHK.
Francis L.F. Lee: So today what I'm going to talk about is as the, you know the slide here shows Politics of Press Control in Hong Kong after 1997 and what I would try to do is just to
Francis L.F. Lee: put everything into some kind of a historical narrative, historical context of how we understand
Francis L.F. Lee: The evolution of the politics of press freedom in Hong Kong actually before and after 1997. So to you know really set the stage
Francis L.F. Lee: the historical stage, now so Hong Kong was a British colony, and so you know, the first question you answer is as a colony social somehow
Francis L.F. Lee: Hong Kong developed or have this so called traditional press freedom. Now in fact, a lot of you know, communication journalism scholars in Hong Kong would would rightly recognize that, of course, you know back in the early 20th century or even in the immediate post war era
Francis L.F. Lee: Second World War era, you couldn't really say that Hong Kong, it has press freedom in the kind of normal sense. Press freedom in Hong Kong really
Francis L.F. Lee: Had a really great development in the 1980s and 1990s under the so called power structure it was during the transition period of Hong Kong
Francis L.F. Lee: After the signing of the sign of British declaration and before the actual turnover in 1997. so it was a time when neither the British Hong Kong Government nor the Chinese Government was
Francis L.F. Lee: fully in control. In one sense, the tool power holders, you know they kind of cancel each other, okay it's kind of you know check and balance each other.
Francis L.F. Lee: So there was a space within which you know the journalistic cause can or the media organizations can operate so it was in that context that a liberal conception of journalistic professionalism
Francis L.F. Lee: You know centering on notions like translate on press freedom, journalistic autonomy, on on objectivity, neutrality, etc, or you know journalism as support, as they these kind of ideas took hold
Francis L.F. Lee: became the legitimated and also knowledge of self understanding of the journalism industry in Hong Kong, it was the context in which notion such as public interest.
Francis L.F. Lee: and journalistic norms such as objectivity neutrality took up practical and social meanings.
Francis L.F. Lee: Now, obviously, that was only the background and obviously handover signifies the end of the dual power structure. Okay so after the handover we return to
Francis L.F. Lee: Having one central structure you know and one central power holder that's the PRC but, of course, we know that you know in Hong Kong we have been
Francis L.F. Lee: Talking about this formula for decades you know one country, two systems. So yes, as a matter of fact, the Chinese Government did not impose the mainland system of media control onto Hong Kong after the handover. Okay.
Francis L.F. Lee: There was there were actually, of course, various reasons why the Chinese government would want to propose this one country, two systems and for the media, I would mention a couple points, later on, that the core question is that under this kind of you know
Francis L.F. Lee: One single sovereign but, okay what's the promise of one country two systems, the core question for a lot of you know journalistic
Francis L.F. Lee: analysis is, how can political control, how was political control exercised and how could political control coexist with a substantial degree of journalistic professionalism, so you can actually say that this is the
Francis L.F. Lee: version of the one country, two systems question for the media OK, so the two systems is one is political control, the order is a liberal conception of journalistic professionalism. So how can the two live with each other in that context.
Francis L.F. Lee: Okay, so, basically, I would argue that you know between the 1990s and at least up to 2019 okay, up to 2019, 2020
Francis L.F. Lee: There was a bounded politics of control and versus resistance in that period of time.
Francis L.F. Lee: The boundaries was set okay pretty clearly even before the handover they were
Francis L.F. Lee: You know mainland Chinese officials, saying that, basically, there are three things that Hong Kong media cannot do. So obviously at that time Hong Kong media were concerned about future press freedom, and so they actually explicitly ask
Francis L.F. Lee: Chinese officials about translating in Hong Kong as of 1997, and then the Chinese officials answer is that what three things do cannot do, otherwise is you know you are supposedly free
Francis L.F. Lee: To do whatever. So the three things, the three no's is that there should be no personal attack of national leaders.
Francis L.F. Lee: There should not be any advocacy for Taiwan, Japan or Xinjiang independence. Hong Kong independence at that time was unusual, so no one would mention that, and then there should be no engagement in subversive activities.
Francis L.F. Lee: The idea, at least as expressed in the in the Chinese officials speech is that you know these are the three things you know these are the boundaries and within these boundaries, Hong Kong media are supposedly are free to
Francis L.F. Lee: Do the reporting. So but, of course, you know, we also know that it's, of course, not as ideal as that. I mean there are the boundaries, but
Francis L.F. Lee: Even within the boundaries, the Chinese state would want to exercise political control so within those boundaries political control was exercised by
Francis L.F. Lee: Most first of all, and most important most important thing co-optation of media owners. So from the 1990s, or what we know that Hong Kong media organizations, the mainstream media organizations were owned by
Francis L.F. Lee: Basically, our pro china's, pro China business people, a lot of the business people in Hong Kong and also in Southeast Asia, like the Ho family from Malaysia like from Malaysia.
Francis L.F. Lee: They had a lot of business interest in China, some of them actually have political titles in China. For example being members of the political committee and so these became the owners of you know Hong Kong media organizations. So
Francis L.F. Lee: they're close contact with the Chinese Government and these owners, obviously, they would exercise control of their media organizations by making the most fundamental allocated decisions. Okay like resource allocation like a hiring of the
Francis L.F. Lee: Top Level personnel, etc. So this is the most important means through which local control was exercised
Francis L.F. Lee: in post-colonial Hong Kong and, of course, you know part of the political economy of the media system is influence from advertisers.
Francis L.F. Lee: A lot of the major advertisers in Hong Kong Hong Kong media would also be business corporations who have a lot of interest in connecting with the Chinese Government or actually have actual
Francis L.F. Lee: Business interest in China in mainland China. So they could also exercise their influence on media organizations by selectively placing their as or even occasionally pulling their as when certain political political controversies arose.
Francis L.F. Lee: Other than the political, economic setup, there were also various strategies to induce censorship, such as occasional public criticisms.
Francis L.F. Lee: There would be occasionally times when certain media organizations did some you know coverage that were kind of you know, touching on
Francis L.F. Lee: Certain really, really sensitive issues sensitive matters, and then, as you know, occasionally Chinese officials
Francis L.F. Lee: Might actually you know come out and criticize the media organizations. Not very formal you know our control strategy but you could still
Francis L.F. Lee: signal what the Chinese Government wanted or did not want and that could induce self-censorship in the media system. And from the positive side, we also have to recognize that the Chinese Government also did its own
Francis L.F. Lee: PR public relations efforts by providing different kinds of subsidies so sometimes i'll put your control was emphasized if not
Francis L.F. Lee: Only by kind of you know censoring or stopping or trying to to prepare the media from covering some stores they don't like.
Francis L.F. Lee: it's also about providing the kind of convenience, providing the kind of support provided kind of soft subsidies so, so to speak, or the Hong Kong media to cover stories that
Francis L.F. Lee: The Chinese Government would like them to report on like you know the our space missions like Beijing Olympics, of course, like a lot of the more positive stories about you know China's social and economic development. So this was, by the way, this is just a
Francis L.F. Lee: table showing you some of the major media owners in Hong Kong and their background and also their connection and titles in the political society like being members of the you know CPP, CC, etc.
Francis L.F. Lee: Now, so that was the kind of the setup the kind of system of control, but there were at least in the first like 15-20 years after handover there were various limits to this political control.
Francis L.F. Lee: Political control was pushed by was resisted by counteracting forces, including the corporations' market consideration
Francis L.F. Lee: Including the diversity in the media system so in the Hong Kong media system, you have still have know at least a feel
Francis L.F. Lee: of truly daring or reputably you know truly professional outlets and the presence of those outlets can you know ensure a diversity of the media system can also you know kind of serve as a ballpark
Francis L.F. Lee: of allowing more space, for the media system as a whole to operate. Of course, you know key to this are pushing back resistance to political control is journalistic professionalism
Francis L.F. Lee: and also our support from a range of political actors, so these are you know the forces that counteract the political
Francis L.F. Lee: Control. Now from the sight of the state, it also has to be acknowledged that the Chinese state at least in the early years after handover, they did have various interest in maintaining the credibility of two systems.
Francis L.F. Lee: In the early years, as we all know, in one country, two systems was
Francis L.F. Lee: A formula designed to lure Taiwan to unification, so it was not just be on a formula designed for Hong Kong and Macau, it was actually
Francis L.F. Lee: A formula had a much broader application supposed application and, at least in the early years of after handover that function that's supposed to function of the formula of one country, two systems are still there, and as I will mention later in the
Francis L.F. Lee: I mean, I would return to the point later, obviously in the early years after handover Hong Kong still, the Hong Kong's role in the Chinese economy
Francis L.F. Lee: was still much bigger. No even today, of course, you know people still say that Hong Kong has a big role to play, but you know when compared to 1997 you have to say that you know Hong Kong's
Francis L.F. Lee: role, you know in the whole social and economic developmental process of China was much bigger. So and also another thing what that's worth mentioning is that throughout the 1990s and 2000s
Francis L.F. Lee: The mainland media system itself also experiences a process of commercialization and globalization.
Francis L.F. Lee: No matter how limits the process was it was a time period when the mainland media were also moving toward you know, being more and more open with the rise of investigative journalism and other kinds of
Francis L.F. Lee: practices of you know, monitoring of the government by public opinion, so it was a time when you know even mainland China itself was moving, no matter how slowly how limitedly
Francis L.F. Lee: Toward liberalisation, so it also set a stage for Hong Kong's media to maintain a certain degree of autonomy and freedom
Francis L.F. Lee: In that period of time. So the results are all that you know kind of politics of control and resistance is that
Francis L.F. Lee: Some media owners were seemingly aimed only at making sure that the media outlets would not cross the basic black lines
Francis L.F. Lee: But they will allow a significant degree of operation autonomy. So some of the media organizations in Hong Kong were indeed owned by
Francis L.F. Lee: Major business people having far more political titles, but it does not entail that all of them would be really, really docile would be really, really submissive.
Francis L.F. Lee: Because the media owners seemingly aimed only at maintaining the most basic control, but allowing us a significant degree of operation autonomy.
Francis L.F. Lee: There was a sophisticated micro politics of control versus resistance in actual operation in the news organizations and various media outlets were engaged in their own risk management strategies like over.
Francis L.F. Lee: Like you know put a lot of emphasis on balance, like put a lot of emphasis on various practices of journalistic professionalism in order to
Francis L.F. Lee: defend themselves against critical criticism, so the result is that press freedom declined, but only very gradually and without too much open conflicts between
Francis L.F. Lee: The government and the media. The situation change actually not only in 2020 or 2019 it actually changed, I would say, beginning in
Francis L.F. Lee: 2010s. So a number of different number of you know developments here, first of all, obviously I just mentioned that in the 1990s and 2000s, even with mainland China itself, there was a period, it was a period of time of
Francis L.F. Lee: very limited media liberalisation, but in the 2010s we saw in mainland China a period of tightening of media control.
Francis L.F. Lee: So even mainland China itself investigative journalism declined very substantially a lot of the
Francis L.F. Lee: journalistic practices of how that were developed in the 1990s and 2000s
Francis L.F. Lee: kind of almost disappeared, so you know, mainland China itself was changing it's approach to what the media and Hong Kong and to all political speaking part of China
Francis L.F. Lee: cannot leaving unaffected. And within Hong Kong itself, there was the growth of social mobilization and movement radicalization.
Francis L.F. Lee: As we see of course you know certainly, most importantly, by a few major projects campaigns, like the International Education Campaign in 2012
Francis L.F. Lee: The umbrella movement 2014, the rise of local localism afterwards or before actually even before 2014, and then the protest in 2019 and 2020.
Francis L.F. Lee: This actually has important implications on operation of the class or the relationship between present states, because under this
Francis L.F. Lee: phenomenon under this context of increasing social mobilization movement radicalization, the state, could see a much stronger need
Francis L.F. Lee: to exercise control of society and, of course, of the media. And and other
Francis L.F. Lee: implications that well like before the handover, as I mentioned earlier, you know a few minutes ago, there was the idea that well, the Chinese Government, of course, had always said that media cannot advocate for independence.
Francis L.F. Lee: Now, in the 1990s, the question for Hong Kong media was that you know okay so
Francis L.F. Lee: you're talking about the Hong Kong media cannot advocate for Taiwan independence, now we are not advocating for Taiwan independence, but there are indeed these kind of voices in Taiwan.
Francis L.F. Lee: So when we report on Taiwan projects, we have to include those voices, we have to report those voices, so how to draw the line between merely reporting on those voices,
Francis L.F. Lee: and advocacy. Now, of course, the Chinese government never really provide an answer to that, but the point here is that you know if we look at it, the situation in Hong Kong itself,
Francis L.F. Lee: notions like Hong Kong independence, you know, in the 1990s or in the 10 to 15 years after handover, there was basically no cause or no idea or independence would be in the Hong Kong society.
Francis L.F. Lee: So the Hong Kong press, of course, also had no particular reason why they have to talk about that, because on those nothing.
Francis L.F. Lee: No relevant discussion in society, but when the Hong Kong society itself experience this growth of social mobilization and radicalization,
Francis L.F. Lee: Then there were indeed voices about Hong Kong independence or other you know more or other radical ideas okay in a society. So
Francis L.F. Lee: From the professional perspective, of course, you have the need to actually report on them okay, just because it says okay, so it is not a matter of advocacy it's just report on them, but of course
Francis L.F. Lee: From the perspective of the Chinese Government, even reporting on
Francis L.F. Lee: The presence of those voices could be seen as problematic, so this kind of you know, development, this kind of situation increased the tension between the Hong Kong media and
Francis L.F. Lee: The Chinese Government really hugely. Also it has, I would argue that, the Hong Kong media also has a kind of value of affinity okay what with the pro-democracy movement. So there was actually
Francis L.F. Lee: how to say I mean a kind of you know, a very complicated relationship between the professional media and the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong.
Francis L.F. Lee: On the one hand, professional journalist, journalists would say that when we are neutral, we are objective, we are not standing by any other, any side.
Francis L.F. Lee: So there is a sense of the need to maintain neutrality, but at same time okay, I think most journalists also understand that, deep down okay
Francis L.F. Lee: Well, of course, they value press freedom, and deep down, they understand that the pro-democracy movement is actually fighting
Francis L.F. Lee: For the political system that would much better guarantee press freedom, so there is indeed a kind of an affinity underlying affinity between the professional press and the
Francis L.F. Lee: Pro-democracy Movement, and that also heightened the tension and and and contradiction between, the professional media and the Chinese state and
Francis L.F. Lee: By the way, one, the third point about know how the situation 2010 changes the decline of value of exceptional status of Hong Kong, that is the point I mentioned earlier ago
Francis L.F. Lee: A while ago that it's you know the significance of Hong Kong society and Hong Kong economy to the Chinese
Francis L.F. Lee: society and economy has declined over the years. So all of these set the stage for increasing tension and pressure on you know the Hong Kong media had raised and, of course, after the 2019 movement and then after the setup
Francis L.F. Lee: and its aftermath, and setup of national security law we are seeing you know, a very, very quick and very, very you know
Francis L.F. Lee: Radical dismantling of the previous system, so to speak, is still I would argue that it's still too early to say or too early to have a
Francis L.F. Lee: Thorough, you know broad description of what kind of a new rule set of rules or new game here is, or here we have right now, but obviously um,
Francis L.F. Lee: The national security law had a lot of you know implications on press freedom, so the national security law you know it's basically against
Francis L.F. Lee: subversion, secession, terrorism and collusion with foreign forces, and in a lot of the statements in the law itself inciting or insisting the above are also against the law.
Francis L.F. Lee: And the problem is that the areas and and ambiguity are really huge i'm just
Francis L.F. Lee: Copying stating article 22 here so according to the article 22 of national security law, a person who organizes plans, commits or participates in any of the following acts by force, or threat of force
Francis L.F. Lee: or other unlawful means with a view to subverting the state power shall be guilty of an offense: seriously interfering in, disrupting or undermining the performance of duties and functions
Francis L.F. Lee: In accordance with the law by the body of central power of the PRC or the or the power of SAR. So in one sense, these kind of you know
Francis L.F. Lee: Law, you know it kind of sets a very broad area. So what does it mean by seriously interfering in disrupting or undermining the performance of not only PRC but also SAR.
Francis L.F. Lee: Okay, so once you have even disrupting operation of SAR is included then, it could potentially can cover a lot of things. Okay and
Francis L.F. Lee: According to the article 22 assisting in interfering disrupting the operation of SAR is also against the law, then it actually puts in it puts
Francis L.F. Lee: The media under under danger and, of course, not just media the law affects all sectors in society, and has made journalistic work more difficult
Francis L.F. Lee: than before. So this is just, of course, you know the national security law is the broad context, but under that broad context
Francis L.F. Lee: We also we also have seen that and I'm sure Chris will have a lot more to say about these kind of you know,
Francis L.F. Lee: Operational things that the Hong Kong media are facing these days. The government has demonstrated in the past year its willingness to employ various
Francis L.F. Lee: existing laws and regulatory procedures to undermine journalistic operation. There is also, I would say, a kind of a state-sponsored populism targeting the media, these days, a lot of the criticism against the media do not necessarily come from politicians but come from pro government
Francis L.F. Lee: Citizens. Okay so that's seemingly apparently some kind of you know mobilization going on, so that you know pro governments citizens are really you know, often complain about media. So
Francis L.F. Lee: The Hong Kong government has established a much harsher approach toward a presence of foreign media and journalists in Hong Kong.
Francis L.F. Lee: So there is also a tightening of controls of the few relatively daring outlets. And then the
Francis L.F. Lee: Remaining question the upcoming question that you know, right now, these days Hong Kong people are discussing, is that how will government control the Internet, so that would be
Francis L.F. Lee: A big question ahead. Anyway, so I guess on my sharing will end here, I, as I just want to provide the historical narrative and also the broad picture.
Francis L.F. Lee: Questions are welcome, thanks a lot.
Bellette Lee: Thank you, Francis and I would like to remind the audience that if you have any questions, please feel free to submit your questions at any time to the Q&A
Bellette Lee: feature in Zoom. And now, I would like to introduce our second speaker Chris Young. Chris Chris Young,
Bellette Lee: A veteran journalist is the co-founder and chief writer of CitizenNews, an independent Chinese digital-only media platform.
Bellette Lee: He had worked with the South China Morning Post and the Hong Kong economic journal for 30 years.
Bellette Lee: Chris writes and comments regularly on Hong Kong politics and greater China issues, he's also currently chairman of the Hong Kong Journalists Association. Let's welcome Chris. Thank you.
Chris Yeung: Thank you, thank you, thank you Bellette, and thank you for the invitation from the Asia Pacific Center for bringing me here to LA, LA while online.
Chris Yeung: The title, the topic today is journalism in Hong Kong after 1997, but I'll be I'll be focusing on press freedom, speaking from the perspective of a veteran practitioner.
Chris Yeung: Not in the cadet not in the dynamic.
Chris Yeung: I'll keep my keep my talk tightened and short so that we have, we can have a bit more time for questions from you I'm sure you have a lot of questions, if you would like to know about Hong Kong and the press.
Chris Yeung: From a from a very broad perspective, press freedom in Hong Kong after 1997 is very much
Chris Yeung: In line with what happens to one country, two systems after 1997. And beginning from 1997 we've seen gradual erosion of one countries two systems, and also gradual erosion of press freedom
Chris Yeung: On a slippery path, as we have seen in opinion polls
Chris Yeung: among the public and also among the among the journalists. It's a it's a gradual and steady process, perhaps in the first 10 years or so.
Chris Yeung: One of the landmarks was 2003.
Chris Yeung: On the first of July, we have half a million people took to the streets to vent vent the anger over a series of government failures.
Chris Yeung: The protests was spark by the bill to prohibit
Chris Yeung: subversion related crime, so what we what we know now as national security
Chris Yeung: which was originated from basic law article 2023.
Chris Yeung: That came as a shock to commerce to commerce authorities and they they never anticipate they didn't anticipate such a mass turnout at that time, so the beginning from '03 we've seen China tightening control over Hong, beginning to tightening control over Hong Kong.
Chris Yeung: Overall freedoms and also the press.
Chris Yeung: Partly because the Deng administration led by Tung Chee-hwa, CH Tung,
Chris Yeung: ran into trouble in a lot of governance issues and media became the scapegoat. So that's an immediate reason and and I will say the fundamental reason is the contradictions inherent in one country two systems when we have two cultures, two systems, two media systems
Chris Yeung: two concepts about freedoms and where stability, I think that began to surface.
Chris Yeung: In particular, 2003.
Chris Yeung: And about the same time we've seen the media landscape changing.
Chris Yeung: As detailed by Francis in his media in his presentation earlier.
Chris Yeung: media outlets more media outlets were owned by people Chinese people business people with a lot of business interests in mainland China, and they and they would co-op into the system through
Chris Yeung: The United Front Bodies, Chinese people's political Consultative Conference.
Chris Yeung: The
Chris Yeung: That mainland related influence was growing in the media landscape.
Chris Yeung: Just like the the broad changes we've seen in Hong Kong
Chris Yeung: Beginning from that, growing Chinese influence in almost all aspects of life in Hong Kong economy social life, etc.
Chris Yeung: etc. and and then we've seen
Chris Yeung: subtle changes in in the media landscape. More censorship, self censorship, for example, more say red line issues, political sensitive issues that media
Chris Yeung: were told say subtly well indirectly or directly
Chris Yeung: When they deal with it.
Chris Yeung: as well as that I'm also Chairman of the Hong Kong journalists association and
Chris Yeung: We conduct an annual Press Freedom Index beginning from 2013. Last year survey 2020 survey was was published a few months ago and um, Press Freedom ratings by the public and also part of the media professionals fell to a a new law.
Chris Yeung: The major immediate effect at that time was police brutality and the obstruction of journalists work during the 2019 social movement.
Chris Yeung: But there are also some long standing practice, including say.
Chris Yeung: self censorship, including lack of safeguards
Chris Yeung: In press freedom in our system like now legislations, you know in our legal system, such as
Chris Yeung: The failure the delay in enacting law on free
Chris Yeung: Free freedom of information, also on say preservation of archives,
Chris Yeung: The association, we are, we are currently conducting our survey for 2021 and the results will be available by say sometime in April or May.
Chris Yeung: It looks very likely that probably the ratings will will drop to another
Chris Yeung: To a little point.
Chris Yeung: We anticipate
Chris Yeung: A further draw.
Chris Yeung: Primarily because of the National Security Law.
Chris Yeung: which took effect on July 1.
Chris Yeung: which has and will bring more damages to say free speech and and media freedoms.
Chris Yeung: Both because of the contents of the law as outlined by Francis earlier, and also by the, by the way it has been implemented in the in the in the past eight months.
Chris Yeung: Undermining say
Chris Yeung: Free speech and say suppressing say dissenting views and putting together dealing a heavy blow to media freedom and freedom of speech in Hong Kong.
Chris Yeung: As I said, the law has been in place for eight months. For about eight months now. We've seen two media related case, one involve Jimmy Lai, founder and ex-chairman of mixed media group, which runs the Chinese language apple apple daily.
Chris Yeung: Jimmy Jimmy Lai is facing, perhaps, I think, maybe 10 to 8 charges, 10 charges some related to national security law, including one about say collusion with foreign foreign forces.
Chris Yeung: Of course he's controversial figure he's
Chris Yeung: also involved in the city's
Chris Yeung: Democratic Movement and so
Chris Yeung: A, strictly speaking, the cases are not directly related to a particular or any particular reports published by apple apple daily.
Chris Yeung: Just perhaps that his own interviews with foreign media or something he wrote
Chris Yeung: On Twitter.
Chris Yeung: But the but, but the fact he's is a media boss I think, has a lot of
Chris Yeung: damaging impact implications on press freedom.
Chris Yeung: The other case involving a program host of a an online media, the 100. He's facing charges of subversion first for raising funds for Hong Kong people.
Chris Yeung: Who are being wanted for the social movement and have fled to Taiwan. Who want to want to leave for Taiwan for protection, and but also importantly he's facing charges for making remarks
Chris Yeung: On this program that are
Chris Yeung: considered as subversive.
Chris Yeung: So, although there are only two related media related cases but, but the chilling effect of national security law is has already been wildly and deeply felt in the media sector.
Chris Yeung: So the
Chris Yeung: What we have now is journalists are more sensitive to content and pictures, footages and what's that that that that could be seen as or considered as subversive.
Chris Yeung: And they even include theme slogans of the 2019 social movement, liberate Hong Kong revolution of the times, which is now set to be subversive but but, of course, or whether that will be ruled as subversive in
Chris Yeung: By the judiciary is a matter to be seen, when by the relevant cases
Chris Yeung: Say enter the the deep formal judicial process.
Chris Yeung: One immediate effect impact we've seen is foreign media based in Hong Kong, they they are assessing the political risks at least one New York Times has relocated their online operation from Hong Kong to Seoul.
Chris Yeung: a few months ago, last last last year. And we understand that the more say foreign media base here are considering similar say relocation plan or partial relocation plan
Chris Yeung: In the region and and and and Taiwan is one of the popular destination. Japan, Seoul, and some have already say had their operation in Singapore, for example.
Chris Yeung: For for the media, as I said
Chris Yeung: It's being engulfed now by an atmosphere of uncertainty and societies and even fear.
Chris Yeung: Of course we it's not possible for us to relocated our operation
Chris Yeung: To outside Hong Kong.
Chris Yeung: We still want to cover cover Hong Kong, and so there are
Chris Yeung: who are facing a
Chris Yeung: that's the sort of a very uncertain situation.
Chris Yeung: Of course, on the face of it, the media landscape is still likely, I mean in terms of the number of media outlets both
Chris Yeung: Traditional and online and and so far there've been no news media outlets have been closed down or ordered to close down
Chris Yeung: there's a lot of speculation, of course, that apple daily will be in deep trouble and will be the first perhaps to be closed down, but, but how exactly that can be done is
Chris Yeung: still a matter of
Chris Yeung: speculation.
Chris Yeung: But as we have described the national security, you know, is a is a knife hanging over their heads of everyone, in particular, journalists, now a lot of journalists feel that the the distance between the knife in our hands is short is shortening.
Chris Yeung: So that's what I would say, the situation now. What we what happened now and what about the future I'll briefly make a few, make a few points so first
Chris Yeung: In broad terms, I will say simply, there are no grounds for optimism.
Chris Yeung: The
Chris Yeung: One of the things I would say not just Hong Kong, not just journalists but, but I think Hong Kong people learn since 2019 is that anything can really happened
Chris Yeung: Many say
Chris Yeung: Many people will say Hong Kong in many aspects is is is now unrecognizable unrecognizable. Something happened that we had we we never expect that would happened in before 2019 or before the the the
Chris Yeung: national security law.
Chris Yeung: Now we have no democrats in our legislative council legislature.
Chris Yeung: We have a National Security Department directly under the Chinese Government being located at the heart of our city.
Chris Yeung: And we never know how many people they have in Hong Kong
Chris Yeung: Those working for the National Security Department.
Chris Yeung: We never expect chanting a slogan like
Chris Yeung: liberate Hong Kong, revolution of the times, could become a threat to national security. Hong Kong people love and cherish free speech, we it was never expected.
Chris Yeung: and journalists did not expect them to be prosecuted for conducting investigative journalism, by checking information from a government department relating to
Chris Yeung: Vehicles license so um
Chris Yeung: that's the overall state of the city and
Chris Yeung: And and and also in life also very much the state of journalism in in Hong Kong and
Chris Yeung: There there's no doubt we are in a very bad situation, and perhaps the the worst is that we we don't know we've seen the worst and we just thought
Chris Yeung: Perhaps that that the worst is is yet to come
Chris Yeung: For various reasons, first, as I said at the very beginning um what happened in Hong Kong is pretty much what happened with one country, two systems.
Chris Yeung: The China factor and the
Chris Yeung: one country, two systems no longer is what it was or what it was what it has promised to be. Now, some people will say one country 1.5 systems or some would say one country one systems. With China trying to get control over Hong Kong media
Chris Yeung: Media is one of the prime targets of control and, as you may have read from the press, China is also trying to change the electoral systems in Hong Kong to ensure.
Chris Yeung: patriots are to govern to run to run Hong Kong, so no longer what we call the real Hong Kong people running Hong Kong, but the patriots, the yes men that yes women
Chris Yeung: Not just in the government, but in the legislature and perhaps it possible in the in the in in in the judiciary.
Chris Yeung: A media is the fourth power and
Chris Yeung: The their trying to do
Chris Yeung: everything they can for various aspects to undermine to weaken the power of media in
Chris Yeung: supervising the power organs.
Chris Yeung: And, as I said earlier, if we if our legislature and our judiciary as a role are weakened, media
Chris Yeung: will be in the in the very
Chris Yeung: Difficult situation situation.
Chris Yeung: The second factor is China, a government factor as Francis says also said briefly earlier
Chris Yeung: They are also trying to weaken the monitoring power of
Chris Yeung: The media.
Chris Yeung: planning to legislate on fake news, for example.
Chris Yeung: I'll close by remarks, I said a lot about of doom and gloom perhaps.
Chris Yeung: I'll conclude with a positive note
Chris Yeung: That a lot of journalists are still passionate. Still passionate and fighting and and we know that giving up is self defeating and they're still strong support in the society so that's a very brief and positive note.
Chris Yeung: But, but the overall this the string of the civil society has also been weakened, so that's also a negative factor so I'll finish here and
Chris Yeung: Questions, comments are welcome, thank you.
MIN ZHOU: Thank you very much Bellette.
MIN ZHOU: And thank you, Francis and Chris for this excellent and intellectually stimulating and also thought provoking presentations and we have a lot of questions and I I
MIN ZHOU: Our event is recorded and will be posted on our center's website, and we will also post some of those questions on a website for everybody to ponder and and consider and think about it. And so I invite you all to subscribe to our center's email list to learn what's going on
MIN ZHOU: In our future event and one of the events would be March 19 to 20, we have an international conference on global Chinese philanthropy.
MIN ZHOU: So I hope to see you there, and thank you again for our speakers, Mr. Chris Young and
MIN ZHOU: Professor Francis Lee and Professor Bellette Lee and I thank all the participants, and I hope to see you again soon and happy Lunar New Year, this is today is the concluding of our new year Chinese New Year celebration, and have a great year of the Ox. Thank you, thank you.
MIN ZHOU: and good morning and good evening.
Bellette Lee: Thank you, thank you, thank you.